Dread History:
The African Diaspora,
Ethiopianism, and Rastafari
Diasporas invariably
leave a trail of collective memory about other times and places. But while
most displaced peoples frame these attachments with the aid of living memory
and the continuity of cultural traditions, the memories of those in the
African diaspora have been refracted through the prism of history to create
new maps of desire and attachment. Historically, black peoples in the New
World have traced memories of an African homeland through the trauma of
slavery and through ideologies of struggle and resistance.
Ethiopianism and the Ideology of Nationhood
Arguably the most poignant of these discursive topographies is that of
the Rastafari faith and culture. Like the Garvey Movement and other forms
of pan-Africanism before it, the Rastafari fashion their vision of an ancestral
homeland through a complex of ideas and symbols known as Ethiopianism, an
ideology which has informed African-American concepts of nationhood, independence,
and political uplift since the late 16th century. Derived from references
in the Holy Bible to black people as 'Ethiopians', this discourse has been
used to express the political, cultural, and spiritual aspirations of blacks
in the Caribbean and North America for over three centuries. From the last
quarter of the 18th century to the present, Ethiopianism has, at various
times, provided the basis for a common sense of destiny and identification
between African peoples in the North American colonies, the Caribbean, Europe,
and the African continent.
While the present-day Rastafari Movement is undoubtedly the most conspicuous
source of contemporary Ethiopianist identifications, the culture of Jah People obscures the wider historical range
and scope of Ethiopianist ideas and identifications among African peoples
in the Diaspora and on the continent. Names like Phyllis Wheatley, Bishop
Richard Allen, Prince Hall, Denmark Vesey, Martin Delany, Casley Hayford,
Frederick Douglass, Bishop Henry McNeil Turner, Albert Thorne, and Marcus
Garvey all drew upon the powerful identification of this discourse to spread
a message of secular and spiritual liberation of black peoples on the African
continent and abroad. More so than any of his predecessors or contemporaries,
however, it was Marcus Garvey--a Jamaican of proud Maroon heritage--who
championed the cry of "Africa for the Africans, at home and abroad"
and encouraged his followers in the biblical view that "every nation
must come to rest beneath their own vine and fig tree."
From the period prior to the American Revolutionary War, slaves in North
America equated Ethiopia with the ancient empires that flourished in the
upper parts of the Nile Valley and--largely through biblical references
and sermons--perceived this territory as central to the salvation of the
black race. black converts to Christianity in colonial America cherished
references to Ethiopia in the Bible for a number of reasons. These references
depicted Blacks in a dignified and human light and held forth the promise
of freedom. Such passages also suggested that African peoples had a proud
and deep cultural heritage that pre-dated European civilization. The summation
of these sentiments was most frequently identified with Psalm 68:31
where it is prophesied that "Princes shall come out of Egypt and Ethiopia
shall soon stretch out her hands unto God." During the late 18th century,
black churchmen in the North American colonies made extensive use of Ethiopianist
discourse in their sermons. Bishop Richard Allen, founder of the African
Methodist Episcopal Church in Philadelphia, was among those who identified
the cause of African freedom with this prophecy in Psalms. During the Revolutionary
War, it is reputed that one black regiment proudly wore the appellation
of "Allen's Ethiopians." Phyllis Wheatley, the black poet-laureate
of colonial America, also made frequent use of this discourse as did Prince
Hall, a black Revolutionary War veteran and founder of the African Masonic
Lodge. Commenting upon the successful slave insurrection in Haiti (1792-1800),
Hall observed: "Thus doth Ethiopia begin to stretch forth her hand,
from the sink of slavery, to freedom and equality." There was, in nearly
all expressions of Ethiopianism, a belief in the redemption of the race
linked to the coming of a black messiah. Perhaps the first expressed articulation
of this idea is seen in The Ethiopian Manifesto published by Robert
Alexander Young, a slave preacher in North America in 1829.
In large part because of the movement of peoples spurred in its aftermath,
the American Revolutionary War provided a major impetus for the spread of
Ethiopianism from Britain's North American to its Caribbean colonies. As
British loyalists departed from North America for places like Jamaica, Trinidad,
and Barbados, the churched slaves and former slaves who traveled with them
transplanted Ethiopianism to these plantation societies and inaugurated
an independent black religious tradition. In Jamaica, George Liele, a former
slave and churchman from Savannah, Georgia, founded the first Ethiopian
Baptist church in 1783. Liele called his followers "Ethiopian Baptists."
Thus began a deep rooted tradition of Ethiopian identification in Jamaica,
the birthplace of both Marcus Garvey's United Negro Improvement Association
(founded in 1914) and the Rastafari movement (born in 1930).
Ethiopianism and its associated ideology of racial uplift also spread
to the African continent. By the 1880 and 1890s, "Ethiopianist"
churches, an independent black church movement, spread throughout Southern
and Central Africa. During the same period, African-American churchmen missionized
actively on the continent and, through the efforts of figures like Bishop
Henry McNeil Turner, Ethiopianism served as an ideology which linked African-American
brethren with their African brothers and sisters. During this same period,
largely due to the sovereignty of Ethiopia amidst European colonialism on
the continent, African Americans fixed greater attention on the ancient
Empire of Ethiopia itself, thinking of Ethiopia as a black Zion.
In 1896, the defeat of invading Italian forces by Menelik II in the Battle
of Adwa served to bolster the mythic status and redemptive symbolism of
Ethiopia in the eyes of Africans at home and abroad.
Ethiopia and Modern Pan-Africanism
By focusing attention on events on the continent, the Battle of Adwa
served as a catalyst for a modern pan-African movement led by men like Casley
Hayford of the Gold Coast, Albert Thorne of Barbados, and Jamaican-born
Marcus Garvey. Garvey founded the largest mass black movement in history,
starting in Jamaica and spreading his message to the rest of the Caribbean,
Central and North America. Inspiring blacks through the African world with
a vision of racial uplift, Garvey made conspicuous use of 18th century biblical
Ethiopianism in his speeches and writings. For Garvey, it was "Every
nation to their own vine and fig tree," a theme which continues to
resonate in the contemporary Rastafari Movement. Garvey, like other pan-Africanists
of his generation, saw the liberation of the African continent from colonialism
as inseparable from the uplift of black peoples everywhere. In the 1920s,
his movement reached from Harlem to New Orleans, from London to Cape Town,
Lagos to Havana, and from Kingston to Panama. During this same decade, Garveyism
and its associated rituals of black nationhood became a vibrant and essential
element of the Harlem Renaissance.
Many scholars argue that Ethiopianism peaked during the early 1930s prior
to and during the second Italian invasion of Ethiopia. Certainly the single
event in this century which resonated with the multiple cultural, political,
and religious dimensions of Ethiopianism was the coronation of Ras Tafari Makonnen, the then Prince Regent of Ethiopia.
In November of 1930, the biblical enthronement of Ras Tafari as His Imperial
Majesty, Emperor Haile Selassie I, King of Kings, Lord of Lords, and Conquering
Lion of the Tribe of Judah, became an internationally publicized event which
was unique in the African world. The news of a black regent claiming descent
through the biblical lineage of King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, stirred
the imaginations of an entire generation of African Americans and refocused
attention upon ancient Ethiopia. The second Italian invasion of Ethiopia
in October of 1935 produced an enormous wave of pro-Ethiopianist sentiments
among blacks across the African continent as well as in the Caribbean, Europe,
and the United States. Particularly to blacks in the diaspora the invasion
was seen as an attack on the dominant symbol of African pride and cultural
sovereignty. In Harlem, thousands of African Americans marched and signed
petitions asking the U.S. government to allow them to fight on behalf of
the Ethiopian cause. In Trinidad, this crisis in the black world coincided
with the emergence of calypso and a fledgling Caribbean music industry.
Calypsos which described the crisis from a black perspective were carried
by West Indian seamen from port to port
throughout the black world. Music--always an integral part of African and
African American culture--served to crystallize shared sentiments of racial
pride in support of the Ethiopian cause.
The Rastafari Vision and Culture
It is in the Rastafari movement, with its origins in Jamaica, that Ethiopianism
has been most consistently elaborated for nearly seven decades. The biblical
enthronement of Ras Tafari Makonnen in 1930
as His Imperial Majesty, Emperor Haile Selassie I, King of King, Lord of
Lords, and Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah was an event widely reported
throughout the European and colonial world. It was the ensuing interpretation
of the Solomonic symbols by which Ras Tafari took possession of a kingdom
with an ancient biblical lineage which transformed Ethiopia into an African
Zion for the nascent Rasta movement. The
independence of Ethiopia as one of only two sovereign nations on the African
continent ensured Selassie's placement at the symbolic center of the African
world throughout the colonial and much of the post-colonial period. Indicative
of this is the fact that the Organization of African Unity (founded in 1963),
is headquartered in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. To this day, it is the biblical
imagery associated with the theocratic kingdom of Ethiopia which fuels a
Rastafari vision of nationhood and underlies their deification of Emperor
Haile Selassie.
Today, it is probably fair to say that when most people hear the word
"Rastafari" they think of Bob Marley, the "king of reggae."
Through his inspirational music, Marley did more to popularize and spread
the Rasta message worldwide than any other single individual. But neither
Marley or reggae represents the roots of the Rastafari experience. Reggae,
as a music of populist black protest and experience which has had a formative
experience upon Jamaican nationalism, emerged in Jamaica only during the
early 1970s. For at least three decades previous to this, Rastafari in Jamaica
were evolving an African-oriented culture based on their spiritual vision
of repatriation to the African homeland.
The "Roots" or Elders of the
movement have built upon earlier sources of African cultural pride, identification,
and resistance such as those embodied by Jamaica's Maroons
--runaway slaves who formed independent communities within the island's
interior during the 17th century. Rastafari, in fact, must be seen as a
religion and movement shaped by the African Diaspora and an explicit consciousness
that black people are African 'exiles" outside their ancestral homeland.
As one Rasta Elder stated, "Rastafari is a conception that was born
at the moment that Europeans took the first black man out of Africa. They
didn't know it then, but they were taking the first Rasta from his homeland."
From the early 1930s, Rastafari in Jamaica have developed a culture based
on an Afrocentric reading of the Bible, on communal values, a strict vegetarian
dietary code known as Ital, a distinctive dialect, and a ritual calendar
devoted to, among other dates, the celebration of various Ethiopian holy
days. Perhaps the most familiar feature of Rastafari culture is the growing
and wearing of dreadlocks, uncombed and
uncut hair which is allowed to knot and mat into distinctive locks. Rastafari
regard the locks as both a sign of their African identity and a religious
vow of their separation from the wider society they regard as Babylon . In the island of its birth, Rasta culture
has also drawn upon distinctive African-Jamaican folk traditions which includes
the development of a drumming style known as Nyabinghi
. This term is similarly applied to the island-wide gatherings in which
Rastafari brethren and sistren celebrate the important dates on an annual
calendar.
With the advent of reggae, this deeper "roots culture" has
spread throughout the Caribbean, to North American and European metropolis
such as London, New York, Amsterdam, Toronto, and Washington, D.C., as well
as to the African continent itself. This more recent growth and spread of
the movement has resulted from a variety of factors. These include the migration
of West Indians (e.g., Jamaicans, Trinidadians,
Antiguans) to North America and Europe in search of employment, the travel
of reggae musicians, and the more recent travel of traditional Rastafari
Elders outside Jamaica. At the same time, many African American and West
Indian individuals who have become Rastafari outside Jamaica now make "pilgrimages"
to Jamaica to attend the island-wide religious ceremonies known as Nyabinghi
and to seek out the deeper "roots culture" of the movement. Despite
the fact that Rastafari continue to be widely misunderstood and stigmatized
outside Jamaica, the movement embraces a non-violent ethic of "peace
and love" and pursues a disciplined code of religious principles.
Since 1992 and the 100th anniversary of Haile Selassie's birth, the Rastafari
settlement in Shashamane, Ethiopia (part of a land grant given to the black
peoples of the West by Emperor Haile Selassie in 1955) has come to serve
as a growing focal point for the movement's identification with Africa.
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